Saeed Pegahan [2026]

Born in 1976 in Tehran, Saeed Pegahan grew up in the decade following the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Unlike the prominent political figures who emerged from the clergy or the upper-middle class, Pegahan belonged to the working poor. He became a driver for the Tehran Bus Company, an occupation that placed him at the beating heart of the capital’s logistical struggles. It was within the cramped garages and on the smog-filled routes of Tehran that Pegahan witnessed firsthand the systemic exploitation of labor: low wages, grueling hours, unsafe working conditions, and the complete absence of independent unions sanctioned by the state.

His writings and interviews, smuggled out and published by solidarity committees in Europe, articulate a vision of a secular, democratic Iran where workers have the right to strike, organize, and bargain collectively without fear of the gallows. This vision directly challenges the foundation of the Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist), which subordinates all social institutions to clerical authority. saeed pegahan

In the tumultuous landscape of modern Iranian history, where state security and political repression have often overshadowed the voices of the marginalized, few figures embody the spirit of peaceful resistance as profoundly as Saeed Pegahan. A labor activist, political prisoner, and symbol of the struggle for workers’ rights, Pegahan’s life story is not merely a biography of an individual but a testament to the broader, often brutal confrontation between Iran’s civil society and its theocratic state apparatus. His journey from a bus driver in Tehran to a convicted “enemy of God” ( mohareb ) highlights the Islamic Republic’s deep-seated fear of independent labor organizing and its systematic criminalization of dissent. Born in 1976 in Tehran, Saeed Pegahan grew

Pegahan was transferred to the infamous Evin Prison, a facility synonymous with the suppression of Iran’s intellectuals, journalists, and activists. His time in Evin was a catalog of state-sponsored cruelty. He was subjected to prolonged solitary confinement, psychological torture, and physical beatings aimed at extracting false confessions. According to reports from groups like the Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI), prison authorities pressured him to broadcast a televised confession—a common tactic in Iran to discredit dissidents. Pegahan consistently refused. It was within the cramped garages and on

The response was swift and violent. Plainclothes officers of the Ministry of Intelligence and the paramilitary Basij militia arrested Pegahan and his colleagues. He was not charged with violating labor codes; he was charged with national security offenses. After a closed-door trial widely condemned by international human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, Pegahan was convicted of “moharebeh” (enmity against God) and “assembly and collusion against national security.” He was sentenced to death, later commuted to a long prison term—initially 14 years, then extended to 19 years, plus additional sentences for “propaganda against the system.”

In Iran, labor unions are either state-controlled through the Islamic Labour Councils or effectively banned. Any attempt to form an independent collective is viewed through the lens of national security. Pegahan, however, refused to accept this reality. Alongside fellow activist Rasul Bodaghi, he co-founded the Tehran Bus Drivers’ Syndicate in the early 2000s. This was not a political party seeking to overthrow the regime; it was a grassroots organization demanding basic economic dignity. Yet, in the Islamic Republic, the distinction between economic justice and political subversion is often deliberately erased.